From 1998 to 2002, Henri de Grossouvre ran Alcatel's major accounts for Central Europe and Russia from Vienna. That is not a line on a CV: it is why his reading of the region does not resemble the one made in western capitals.
Central Europe has this peculiarity: a great deal is said about it from Paris and Berlin, and very little from Vienna or Belgrade. This file rests on a difference in vantage point.
Four years on the spot
From 1998 to 2002, Henri de Grossouvre ran Alcatel’s major accounts for Central Europe and Russia from Vienna. It was a commercial and industrial post, not a diplomatic one — and that is what makes it interesting. In such a job one learns who actually decides, how contracts and capital move, and where political borders fail to match economic ones.
His education had already pointed that way: his postgraduate dissertation in international relations was on Ukraine.
Central Europe in the vanguard, not the waiting room
In 2007, the collective work he edited, For a European Europe, proposed a vanguard made up of six countries: France, Germany, Belgium, Luxembourg, Hungary and Austria. The afterword is by János Perényi.
The choice is worth noting. In most “hard core” proposals of the same period, Central Europe appears at best as a second ring. Here it is in the first — because the author’s geography runs through Vienna.
Serbia, ten years early
In January 2015, Revue Défense Nationale published a six-page op-ed: Serbia at a crossroads, after years of difficult relations with the European Union, and now a hub between the EU space and Moscow.
The vocabulary is consistent with him — hinge, hub, pivot. Serbia is not a camp there but a tipping point, and a tipping point is observed rather than judged.
In 2014 his first book had appeared in Serbian with Fondacija Dostojanstvo, signed Anri de Grosuvr.
Pan-European security: Central Europe as a condition
Here the file meets the Security & defence pillar. In 2009, in Revue Défense Nationale,
Henri de Grossouvre and Pierre Pascallon hold that Greater Europe exists “from the Atlantic
to the Urals”, that it therefore includes European Russia, and that it falls to the OSCE
to carry the question of pan-European security, within an international conference still to
be convened.
That framing is not neutral for Central Europe. The OSCE is one of the few forums where
Central European and Balkan countries sit without being applicants for membership.
Choosing that forum over another amounts to recognising them as stakeholders rather than a
buffer zone. It is a concrete institutional consequence of a geographical premise.
Corridors before speeches
One last trait is worth noting, because it recurs throughout the corpus: a preference for
flows over postures. When the author looks for what actually connects Central Europe to
the west and east of the continent, he looks at transport and energy before diplomatic
statements.
That is the logic that leads him, in 2017, to name rail infrastructure as the first binding
agent of continental cooperation, and then, in 2021, to devote an article to the overlooked
growth of rail freight between China and Europe — a corridor that runs precisely through
the Central European space. The same year, he co-signs a piece in Revue Défense Nationale
on technological cooperation between the European Union and China.
Seen from Vienna, Central Europe is not a periphery. It is where the lines run.
What this file does not do
It does not take sides in the internal debates of the countries concerned. Henri de Grossouvre has published analyses of current Serbian politics that commit their author; they do not appear on this site, and this site does not relay them.
What appears here are the underlying positions: Central Europe as an integral part of Greater Europe, Serbia as a point of contact rather than a prize to be won, and the idea that a continental architecture ignoring this space is not one.
The continuity with the rest
Vienna links this file to all the others. It is from Vienna that he looks at Russia when writing Paris, Berlin, Moscow. It is the Central European experience that explains why Hungary and Austria feature in his 2007 vanguard. And the method is the same as elsewhere: start from real flows — contracts, energy, transport — rather than from declarations.