Revue Défense Nationale has been published since 1939. One does not appear in it nine times by accident, and one does not publish opinions there: one publishes analysis grounded in fact, read by an editorial team that knows the subject. It is the most solid foundation of this body of work, and also the least known to the general public.
Bucharest, 2008: a dated and verifiable reading
In April 2008, President Bush opened the largest summit in NATO’s history by setting Ukrainian and Georgian membership as a priority for Washington. A Franco-German move, coordinated with Moscow, denied them official candidate status.
That same year, Henri de Grossouvre drew a conclusion which the journal’s official English summary puts as follows: the episode illustrates America’s relative geopolitical decline. Written in 2008. The argument can be debated; it cannot be back-dated.
The following year, with Pierre Pascallon, he held that Greater Europe exists “from the Atlantic to the Urals” and therefore includes European Russia — and drew an operational consequence from it: the convening of an international conference, and the handling of pan-European security within the OSCE. Here too the approach is architectural. Diagnosis is only the way in.
Democratic control of commitment
In June 2026 he co-signed, with thirty-one others — parliamentarians, general officers, academics, among them Pierre Lellouche and Jacques Sapir — an op-ed that belongs not to commentary but to applied constitutional law. Nine measures are set out: constitutional reinforcement of Article 35, a legal definition of co-belligerence, a mandatory parliamentary debate on vital interests, and the possible use of a referendum for major strategic commitments.
The point of the text is not to settle a quarrel between two camps. It is to establish who decides, by what procedure, and under what oversight. That is a question of institutional machinery, and it is exactly where proposal work parts company with the op-ed page.
The Balkans, Serbia, critical infrastructure
Two further angles complete the field. The first is Balkan: as early as 2015, a six-page op-ed cast Serbia as a hub between the European Union and Moscow — ten years before the question returned to the foreground.
The second is less expected and worth pausing on. In 2021 he devoted a review to Franck Galland’s War and Water, and took from it the essential point: water infrastructure as both target and weapon, from the chlorination of troops at Verdun to the destruction of dams, then on to contemporary vulnerabilities — desalination, energy dependence, cyber threats. This is where defence meets the sovereignty-technologies pillar.